How to Say in Japanese the South Will Rise Again

Language spoken in Eastern asia

"Nihongo" redirects here. Not to be confused with Nihonga.

Japanese
日本語 Nihongo
Nihongo ('Japanese') in kanji in Japanese script
Pronunciation	/nihoNɡo/: [ɲihoŋɡo]
Native to	Nihon
Ethnicity	Japanese (Yamato)
Native speakers	~128 1000000 (2020)[1]
Linguistic communication family unit	Japonic Japanese
Early forms	Onetime Japanese Early Middle Japanese Belatedly Middle Japanese Early Modern Japanese
Writing arrangement	Mixed scripts of Kanji (Chinese character) and Kana (Hiragana, Katakana) Japanese Braille
Signed forms	Signed Japanese
Official status
Official language in	Nippon (de facto) Palau (on Angaur Island)
Language codes
ISO 639-1	ja
ISO 639-2	jpn
ISO 639-3	jpn
Glottolog	nucl1643  excluding Hachijo
Linguasphere	45-CAA-a
This article contains IPA phonetic symbols. Without proper rendering support, you may see question marks, boxes, or other symbols instead of Unicode characters. For an introductory guide on IPA symbols, see Help:IPA.

Japanese ( 日本語 , Nihongo [ɲihoŋɡo] ( listen )) is an East Asian language spoken past about 128 1000000 people, primarily in Japan, where it is the national language. It is a member of the Japonic (or Japanese-Ryukyuan) linguistic communication family, and its ultimate derivation and relation to other languages is unclear. Japonic languages have been grouped with other linguistic communication families such as Ainu, Austroasiatic, Korean, and the now-discredited Altaic, but none of these proposals take gained widespread acceptance.

Little is known of the language's prehistory, or when it offset appeared in Nippon. Chinese documents from the 3rd century AD recorded a few Japanese words, but substantial texts did not appear until the eighth century. During the Heian period (794–1185) in Japan, the Chinese linguistic communication had considerable influence on the vocabulary and phonology of Former Japanese. Late Centre Japanese (1185–1600) included changes in features that brought it closer to the modern language, and the first appearance of European loanwords. The standard dialect moved from the Kansai region in the south, up to the Edo region (modernistic Tokyo) in the Early Modern Japanese period (early 17th century–mid 19th century). Following the end of Japan's self-imposed isolation in 1853, the menses of loanwords from European languages increased significantly. English loanwords, in particular, have become frequent, and Japanese words from English roots have proliferated.

Japanese is an agglutinative, mora-timed language with relatively uncomplicated phonotactics, a pure vowel arrangement, phonemic vowel and consonant length, and a lexically significant pitch-emphasis. Word order is unremarkably subject–object–verb with particles marking the grammatical office of words, and sentence structure is topic–comment. Sentence-final particles are used to add emotional or emphatic touch, or brand questions. Nouns have no grammatical number or gender, and there are no articles. Verbs are conjugated, primarily for tense and vocalisation, but not person. Japanese adjectives are likewise conjugated. Japanese has a complex system of honorifics, with verb forms and vocabulary to point the relative status of the speaker, the listener, and persons mentioned.

Japanese has no demonstrable genealogical relationship with Chinese,^[ii] though in its written form it makes prevalent use of Chinese characters, known equally kanji ( 漢字 ), and a big portion of its vocabulary is borrowed from Chinese. The Japanese writing system also uses ii syllabic (or moraic) scripts: hiragana ( ひらがな or 平仮名 ) and katakana ( カタカナ or 片仮名 ), however Latin script is used in a limited mode (such as for imported acronyms). The numeral system uses generally Arabic numerals, but also traditional Chinese numerals.

History

Prehistory

Proto-Japonic, the common antecedent of the Japanese and Ryukyuan languages, is thought to have been brought to Japan past settlers coming from the Korean peninsula sometime in the early on- to mid-fourth century BC (the Yayoi period), replacing the languages of the original Jōmon inhabitants,^[3] including the antecedent of the mod Ainu linguistic communication. Very footling is known well-nigh the Japanese of this period. Considering writing had yet to be introduced from China, at that place is no directly evidence, and anything that tin be discerned near this period must be based on reconstructions of Former Japanese.

Quondam Japanese

Old Japanese is the oldest attested phase of the Japanese language. Through the spread of Buddhism, the Chinese writing system was imported to Japan. The earliest texts institute in Nippon are written in Classical Chinese, just they may have been meant to be read as Japanese past the kanbun method. Some of these Chinese texts show influences of Japanese grammar, such as the word gild (for case, placing the verb later the object). In these hybrid texts, Chinese characters are as well occasionally used phonetically to represent Japanese particles. The earliest text, the Kojiki, dates to the early on 8th century, and was written entirely in Chinese characters. The end of Old Japanese coincides with the cease of the Nara period in 794. Old Japanese uses the Man'yōgana organisation of writing, which uses kanji for their phonetic as well as semantic values. Based on the Man'yōgana system, Old Japanese can be reconstructed as having 88 distinct syllables. Texts written with Homo'yōgana use 2 different kanji for each of the syllables now pronounced き (ki), ひ (hi), み (mi), け (ke), へ (he), め (me), こ (ko), そ (so), と (to), の (no), も (mo), よ (yo) and ろ (ro).^[four] (The Kojiki has 88, simply all later texts have 87. The distinction between mo₁ and mo_ii apparently was lost immediately following its composition.) This set of syllables shrank to 67 in Early Middle Japanese, though some were added through Chinese influence.

Due to these extra syllables, it has been hypothesized that Old Japanese's vowel system was larger than that of Modern Japanese – it mayhap contained up to eight vowels. Co-ordinate to Shinkichi Hashimoto, the extra syllables in Man'yōgana derive from differences betwixt the vowels of the syllables in question.^[5] These differences would indicate that One-time Japanese had an eight-vowel system,^[6] in dissimilarity to the 5 vowels of afterwards Japanese. The vowel organisation would have to have shrunk some fourth dimension between these texts and the invention of the kana (hiragana and katakana) in the early on 9th century. According to this view, the 8-vowel system of ancient Japanese would resemble that of the Uralic and Altaic linguistic communication families.^[seven] Yet, it is not fully sure that the alternation between syllables necessarily reflects a difference in the vowels rather than the consonants – at the moment, the only undisputed fact is that they are different syllables. A newer reconstruction of ancient Japanese shows striking similarities with Southeast-Asian languages, peculiarly with Austronesian languages.^[8]

Old Japanese does not take /h/, only rather /ɸ/ (preserved in modernistic fu, /ɸɯ/), which has been reconstructed to an earlier */p/. Man'yōgana also has a symbol for /je/, which merges with /e/ before the cease of the menstruation.

Several fossilizations of Old Japanese grammatical elements remain in the modern language – the genitive particle tsu (superseded by modern no) is preserved in words such equally matsuge ("eyelash", lit. "hair of the center"); modern mieru ("to be visible") and kikoeru ("to be audible") retain what may accept been a mediopassive suffix -yu(ru) (kikoyu → kikoyuru (the attributive form, which slowly replaced the plain class starting in the tardily Heian period) > kikoeru (every bit all shimo-nidan verbs in modernistic Japanese did)); and the genitive particle ga remains in intentionally primitive oral communication.

Early Centre Japanese

Early Heart Japanese is the Japanese of the Heian menses, from 794 to 1185. Information technology formed the ground for the literary standard of Classical Japanese, which remained in common utilize until the early 20th century.

During this time, Japanese underwent numerous phonological developments, in many cases instigated by an influx of Chinese loanwords. These included phonemic length distinction for both consonants and vowels, palatal consonants (e.yard. kya) and labial consonant clusters (eastward.g. kwa), and closed syllables.^{[9] [ten]} This had the effect of changing Japanese into a mora-timed language.^[9]

Tardily Centre Japanese

Late Middle Japanese covers the years from 1185 to 1600, and is normally divided into two sections, roughly equivalent to the Kamakura period and the Muromachi period, respectively. The afterwards forms of Late Middle Japanese are the first to be described by non-native sources, in this case the Jesuit and Franciscan missionaries; and thus in that location is better documentation of Late Middle Japanese phonology than for previous forms (for instance, the Arte da Lingoa de Iapam). Amid other sound changes, the sequence /au/ merges to /ɔː/, in contrast with /oː/; /p/ is reintroduced from Chinese; and /we/ merges with /je/. Some forms rather more familiar to Modern Japanese speakers begin to appear – the continuative catastrophe -te begins to reduce onto the verb (east.m. yonde for earlier yomite), the -k- in the final syllable of adjectives drops out (shiroi for earlier shiroki); and some forms exist where mod standard Japanese has retained the earlier form (e.grand. hayaku > hayau > hayɔɔ, where modern Japanese but has hayaku, though the alternative form is preserved in the standard greeting o-hayō gozaimasu "good morning"; this ending is too seen in o-medetō "congratulations", from medetaku).

Tardily Middle Japanese has the first loanwords from European languages – now-common words borrowed into Japanese in this period include pan ("bread") and tabako ("tobacco", at present "cigarette"), both from Portuguese.

Mod Japanese

"Standard Japanese" redirects here. For other dialects, run into Japanese dialects.

Mod Japanese is considered to begin with the Edo period (which spanned from 1603 to 1867). Since Old Japanese, the de facto standard Japanese had been the Kansai dialect, peculiarly that of Kyoto. Still, during the Edo period, Edo (now Tokyo) developed into the largest city in Nihon, and the Edo-surface area dialect became standard Japanese. Since the end of Nippon'due south cocky-imposed isolation in 1853, the flow of loanwords from European languages has increased significantly. The period since 1945 has seen many words borrowed from other languages—such equally German, Portuguese and English.^[eleven] Many English loan words especially relate to applied science—for case, pasokon (brusque for "personal computer"), intānetto ("net"), and kamera ("camera"). Due to the large quantity of English loanwords, modern Japanese has adult a distinction betwixt [tɕi] and [ti], and [dʑi] and [di], with the latter in each pair merely found in loanwords.^[12]

Geographic distribution

Although Japanese is spoken about exclusively in Japan, it has been spoken outside. Before and during World State of war II, through Japanese looting of Taiwan and Korea, as well as fractional occupation of Prc, the Philippines, and various Pacific islands,^[13] locals in those countries learned Japanese as the language of the empire. As a upshot, many elderly people in these countries tin still speak Japanese.

Japanese emigrant communities (the largest of which are to be constitute in Brazil,^[14] with 1.4 million to 1.5 1000000 Japanese immigrants and descendants, according to Brazilian IBGE data, more than than the ane.2 million of the Usa^[15]) sometimes employ Japanese equally their chief language. Approximately 12% of Hawaii residents speak Japanese,^[16] with an estimated 12.half dozen% of the population of Japanese ancestry in 2008. Japanese emigrants can also be establish in Peru, Argentina, Australia (specially in the eastern states), Canada (especially in Vancouver where one.4% of the population has Japanese beginnings^[17]), the United States (notably Hawaii, where 16.7% of the population has Japanese beginnings,^[18] and California), and the Philippines (particularly in Davao region and Laguna province).^{[19] [20] [21]}

Official status

Japanese has no official condition in Japan,^[22] just is the de facto national language of the state. In that location is a form of the language considered standard: hyōjungo ( 標準語 ), meaning "standard Japanese", or kyōtsūgo ( 共通語 ), "mutual linguistic communication". The meanings of the two terms are almost the aforementioned. Hyōjungo or kyōtsūgo is a formulation that forms the counterpart of dialect. This normative language was born later the Meiji Restoration ( 明治維新 , meiji ishin , 1868) from the linguistic communication spoken in the college-class areas of Tokyo (run across Yamanote). Hyōjungo is taught in schools and used on television set and in official communications.^[23] It is the version of Japanese discussed in this commodity.

Formerly, standard Japanese in writing ( 文語 , bungo , "literary linguistic communication") was different from colloquial linguistic communication ( 口語 , kōgo ). The two systems have unlike rules of grammar and some variance in vocabulary. Bungo was the main method of writing Japanese until nearly 1900; since then kōgo gradually extended its influence and the two methods were both used in writing until the 1940s. Bungo yet has some relevance for historians, literary scholars, and lawyers (many Japanese laws that survived Earth War Ii are still written in bungo, although in that location are ongoing efforts to modernize their linguistic communication). Kōgo is the ascendant method of both speaking and writing Japanese today, although bungo grammar and vocabulary are occasionally used in modern Japanese for result.

The 1982 state constitution of Angaur, Palau, names Japanese forth with Palauan and English as an official linguistic communication of the country.^[24] However, the results of the 2005 census show that in April 2005 in that location were no usual or legal residents of Angaur aged five or older who spoke Japanese at dwelling house at all.^[25]

Dialects and common intelligibility

Map of Japanese dialects and Japonic languages

Japanese dialects typically differ in terms of pitch emphasis, inflectional morphology, vocabulary, and particle usage. Some even differ in vowel and consonant inventories, although this is uncommon.

In terms of mutual intelligibility, a survey in 1967 establish the four about unintelligible dialects (excluding Ryūkyūan languages and Tohoku dialects) to students from Greater Tokyo are the Kiso dialect (in the deep mountains of Nagano Prefecture), the Himi dialect (in Toyama Prefecture), the Kagoshima dialect and the Maniwa dialect (in Okayama Prefecture).^[26] The survey is based on recordings of 12- to twenty- 2d long, of 135 to 244 phonemes, which 42 students listened and translated give-and-take-past-discussion. The listeners are all Keio University students who grew up in the Kanto region.^[26]

Intelligibility to students from Tokyo and Kanto region (Appointment: 1967)^[26]

Dialect	Osaka Metropolis	Kyoto City	Tatsuta, Aichi	Kiso, Nagano	Himi, Toyama	Maniwa, Okayama	Ōgata, Kōchi	Kanagi, Shimane	Kumamoto Metropolis	Kagoshima City
Percent	26.iv%	67.1%	44.v%	13.3%	4.one%	24.vii%	45.five%	24.8%	38.6%	17.half dozen%

There are some linguistic communication islands in mountain villages or isolated islands such as Hachijō-jima island whose dialects are descended from the Eastern dialect of Old Japanese. Dialects of the Kansai region are spoken or known by many Japanese, and Osaka dialect in particular is associated with comedy (see Kansai dialect). Dialects of Tōhoku and North Kantō are associated with typical farmers.

The Ryūkyūan languages, spoken in Okinawa and the Amami Islands (politically role of Kagoshima), are distinct enough to be considered a separate branch of the Japonic family unit; not only is each linguistic communication unintelligible to Japanese speakers, but most are unintelligible to those who speak other Ryūkyūan languages. Still, in contrast to linguists, many ordinary Japanese people tend to consider the Ryūkyūan languages as dialects of Japanese. The imperial courtroom likewise seems to have spoken an unusual variant of the Japanese of the time.^[27] Most probable existence the spoken form of Classical Japanese language, a writing style that was prevalent during the Heian menstruum, but began turn down during the late Meiji menstruation.^[28] The Ryūkyūan languages are spoken by a decreasing number of elderly people and then UNESCO classified it as endangered, because they could get extinct by 2050. Young people mostly apply Japanese and cannot understand the Ryukyuan languages. Okinawan Japanese is a variant of Standard Japanese influenced by the Ryukyuan languages. It is the chief dialect spoken amongst immature people in the Ryukyu Islands.^[29]

Modernistic Japanese has become prevalent nationwide (including the Ryūkyū islands) due to teaching, mass media, and an increase of mobility within Japan, every bit well as economic integration.

Classification

Japanese is a fellow member of the Japonic language family, which also includes the Ryukyuan languages spoken in the Ryukyu Islands. As these closely related languages are normally treated equally dialects of the same language, Japanese is often called a linguistic communication isolate.^[30]

According to Martine Irma Robbeets, Japanese has been subject to more attempts to bear witness its relation to other languages than any other language in the world.^[31] Since Japanese first gained the consideration of linguists in the late 19th century, attempts have been made to show its genealogical relation to languages or language families such as Ainu, Korean, Chinese, Tibeto-Burman, Uralic, Altaic (or Ural-Altaic), Monday–Central khmer and Malayo-Polynesian. At the fringe, some linguists have suggested a link to Indo-European languages, including Greek, and to Lepcha. Main modern theories attempt to link Japanese either to northern Asian languages, like Korean or the proposed larger Altaic family, or to various Southeast Asian languages, especially Austronesian. None of these proposals have gained wide acceptance (and the Altaic family itself is now considered controversial).^{[32] [33] [34]} Every bit information technology stands, only the link to Ryukyuan has broad support.^[35]

Other theories view the Japanese language as an early creole language formed through inputs from at to the lowest degree ii distinct language groups, or as a distinct language of its own that has absorbed various aspects from neighbouring languages.^{[36] [37] [38]}

Phonology

Vowels

The vowels of Standard Japanese on a vowel nautical chart. Adapted from Okada (1999:117).

	Front	Primal	Back
Close	i		u
Mid	e		o
Open		a

Japanese has five vowels, and vowel length is phonemic, with each having both a short and a long version. Elongated vowels are ordinarily denoted with a line over the vowel (a macron) in rōmaji, a repeated vowel character in hiragana, or a chōonpu succeeding the vowel in katakana. /u/ ( listen ) is compressed rather than protruded, or simply unrounded.

Consonants

	Bilabial	Alveolar	Alveolo- palatal	Palatal	Velar	Uvular	Glottal
Nasal	m	north	(ɲ)		(ŋ)	(ɴ)
Cease	pb	td			kɡ
Affricate		(t͡s)  (d͡z)	(t͡ɕ)  (d͡ʑ)
Fricative	(ɸ)	sz	(ɕ)  (ʑ)	(ç)			h
Liquid		r
Semivowel				j	w
Special moras	/N/, /Q/

Some Japanese consonants have several allophones, which may requite the impression of a larger inventory of sounds. However, some of these allophones have since become phonemic. For case, in the Japanese language up to and including the start one-half of the 20th century, the phonemic sequence /ti/ was palatalized and realized phonetically as [tɕi], approximately chi ( listen ); withal, at present [ti] and [tɕi] are distinct, every bit evidenced by words similar tī [tiː] "Western-way tea" and chii [tɕii] "social status".

The "r" of the Japanese language is of particular involvement, ranging betwixt an upmost central tap and a lateral approximant. The "g" is also notable; unless it starts a judgement, it may be pronounced [ŋ], in the Kanto prestige dialect and in other eastern dialects.

The phonotactics of Japanese are relatively simple. The syllable structure is (C)(G)V(C),^[39] that is, a core vowel surrounded by an optional onset consonant, a glide /j/ and either the get-go part of a geminate consonant ( っ / ッ , represented every bit Q) or a moraic nasal in the coda ( ん / ン , represented as N).

The nasal is sensitive to its phonetic environment and assimilates to the post-obit phoneme, with pronunciations including [ɴ, m, n, ɲ, ŋ, ɰ̃]. Onset-glide clusters only occur at the showtime of syllables just clusters across syllables are allowed as long as the two consonants are the moraic nasal followed by a homorganic consonant.

Japanese also includes a pitch accent, which is not represented in syllabic writing; for case [haꜜ.ɕi] ("chopsticks") and [ha.ɕiꜜ] ("bridge") are both spelled はし (hashi), and are only differentiated by the tone profile.^[40]

Grammar

Sentence structure

Japanese discussion order is classified every bit bailiwick–object–verb. Unlike many Indo-European languages, the only strict rule of give-and-take club is that the verb must be placed at the stop of a sentence (possibly followed by sentence-end particles). This is considering Japanese judgement elements are marked with particles that identify their grammatical functions.

The basic sentence structure is topic–comment. For case, Kochira wa Tanaka-san desu ( こちらは田中さんです ). kochira ("this") is the topic of the sentence, indicated by the particle wa. The verb de aru (desu is a contraction of its polite grade de arimasu) is a copula, normally translated every bit "to be" or "information technology is" (though there are other verbs that can exist translated every bit "to be"), though technically it holds no significant and is used to give a sentence 'politeness'. Every bit a phrase, Tanaka-san desu is the comment. This judgement literally translates to "As for this person, (it) is Mx Tanaka." Thus Japanese, like many other Asian languages, is oftentimes called a topic-prominent language, which ways information technology has a stiff tendency to indicate the topic separately from the subject area, and that the two do not ever coincide. The sentence Zō wa hana ga nagai ( 象は鼻が長い ) literally means, "Equally for elephant(s), (the) nose(s) (is/are) long". The topic is zō "elephant", and the subject is hana "olfactory organ".

In Japanese, the subject or object of a sentence need not be stated if it is obvious from context. Equally a effect of this grammatical permissiveness, there is a trend to gravitate towards brevity; Japanese speakers tend to omit pronouns on the theory they are inferred from the previous sentence, and are therefore understood. In the context of the higher up case, hana-ga nagai would mean "[their] noses are long," while nagai by itself would mean "[they] are long." A unmarried verb tin be a complete judgement: Yatta! ( やった! ) "[I / nosotros / they / etc] did [it]!". In addition, since adjectives can form the predicate in a Japanese judgement (below), a single adjective tin be a consummate judgement: Urayamashii! ( 羨ましい! ) "[I'thousand] jealous [of it]!".

While the language has some words that are typically translated as pronouns, these are not used every bit frequently as pronouns in some Indo-European languages, and office differently. In some cases Japanese relies on special verb forms and auxiliary verbs to indicate the direction of benefit of an action: "downward" to indicate the out-grouping gives a benefit to the in-grouping; and "up" to indicate the in-group gives a benefit to the out-group. Here, the in-group includes the speaker and the out-group does not, and their boundary depends on context. For instance, oshiete moratta ( 教えてもらった ) (literally, "explained" with a benefit from the out-group to the in-group) means "[he/she/they] explained [it] to [me/us]". Similarly, oshiete ageta ( 教えてあげた ) (literally, "explained" with a benefit from the in-group to the out-group) ways "[I/nosotros] explained [it] to [him/her/them]". Such beneficiary auxiliary verbs thus serve a role comparable to that of pronouns and prepositions in Indo-European languages to signal the actor and the recipient of an action.

Japanese "pronouns" too function differently from almost modern Indo-European pronouns (and more like nouns) in that they can take modifiers every bit any other noun may. For instance, 1 does non say in English language:

The amazed he ran down the street. (grammatically incorrect insertion of a pronoun)

Simply one can grammatically say essentially the same thing in Japanese:

驚いた彼は道を走っていった。
Transliteration: Odoroita kare wa michi o hashitte itta. (grammatically right)

This is partly considering these words evolved from regular nouns, such as kimi "yous" ( 君 "lord"), anata "you" ( あなた "that side, yonder"), and boku "I" ( 僕 "servant"). This is why some linguists practice not classify Japanese "pronouns" as pronouns, only rather equally referential nouns, much like Spanish usted (contracted from vuestra merced, "your [(flattering majestic) plural] grace") or Portuguese o senhor. Japanese personal pronouns are more often than not used only in situations requiring special emphasis as to who is doing what to whom.

The choice of words used equally pronouns is correlated with the sex of the speaker and the social situation in which they are spoken: men and women alike in a formal situation generally refer to themselves as watashi ( 私 "private") or watakushi (as well 私 ), while men in rougher or intimate conversation are much more than likely to employ the word ore ( 俺 "oneself", "myself") or boku. Similarly, different words such equally anata, kimi, and omae ( お前 , more formally 御前 "the 1 before me") may refer to a listener depending on the listener's relative social position and the degree of familiarity betwixt the speaker and the listener. When used in dissimilar social relationships, the aforementioned word may take positive (intimate or respectful) or negative (distant or disrespectful) connotations.

Japanese oft utilise titles of the person referred to where pronouns would be used in English. For example, when speaking to one's teacher, it is appropriate to use sensei ( 先生 , instructor), but inappropriate to utilize anata. This is considering anata is used to refer to people of equal or lower status, and i's instructor has higher condition.

Inflection and conjugation

Japanese nouns have no grammatical number, gender or commodity aspect. The noun hon ( 本 ) may refer to a single book or several books; hito ( 人 ) tin can mean "person" or "people", and ki ( 木 ) can be "tree" or "trees". Where number is important, information technology tin can be indicated by providing a quantity (oft with a counter word) or (rarely) past adding a suffix, or sometimes past duplication (due east.g. 人人 , hitobito, unremarkably written with an iteration mark equally 人々 ). Words for people are usually understood as singular. Thus Tanaka-san usually means Mx Tanaka. Words that refer to people and animals tin be fabricated to indicate a group of individuals through the addition of a collective suffix (a noun suffix that indicates a group), such equally -tachi, merely this is not a true plural: the meaning is closer to the English phrase "and company". A grouping described as Tanaka-san-tachi may include people non named Tanaka. Some Japanese nouns are effectively plural, such equally hitobito "people" and wareware "we/us", while the give-and-take tomodachi "friend" is considered atypical, although plural in form.

Verbs are conjugated to prove tenses, of which at that place are two: past and present (or non-past) which is used for the present and the future. For verbs that stand for an ongoing process, the -te iru class indicates a continuous (or progressive) aspect, similar to the suffix ing in English. For others that represent a alter of state, the -te iru course indicates a perfect aspect. For instance, kite iru means "He has come (and is withal hither)", simply tabete iru means "He is eating".

Questions (both with an interrogative pronoun and yes/no questions) take the same structure equally affirmative sentences, but with intonation rising at the terminate. In the formal annals, the question particle -ka is added. For example, ii desu ( いいです ) "It is OK" becomes two desu-ka ( いいですか。 ) "Is it OK?". In a more informal tone sometimes the particle -no ( の ) is added instead to prove a personal involvement of the speaker: Dōshite konai-no? "Why aren't (yous) coming?". Some unproblematic queries are formed but by mentioning the topic with an interrogative intonation to call for the hearer'due south attention: Kore wa? "(What nearly) this?"; O-namae wa? ( お名前は？ ) "(What's your) proper name?".

Negatives are formed by inflecting the verb. For instance, Pan o taberu ( パンを食べる。 ) "I will eat bread" or "I eat breadstuff" becomes Pan o tabenai ( パンを食べない。 ) "I will not swallow breadstuff" or "I exercise not swallow bread". Plain negative forms are i-adjectives (run into below) and inflect equally such, eastward.thousand. Pan o tabenakatta ( パンを食べなかった。 ) "I did not eat staff of life".

The and so-called -te verb form is used for a variety of purposes: either progressive or perfect aspect (run into above); combining verbs in a temporal sequence (Asagohan o tabete sugu dekakeru "I'll eat breakfast and exit at once"), elementary commands, conditional statements and permissions (Dekakete-mo ii? "May I become out?"), etc.

The word da (plain), desu (polite) is the copula verb. It corresponds approximately to the English exist, simply oft takes on other roles, including a marker for tense, when the verb is conjugated into its by course datta (plain), deshita (polite). This comes into use because just i-adjectives and verbs can comport tense in Japanese. Two additional common verbs are used to indicate being ("there is") or, in some contexts, property: aru (negative nai) and iru (negative inai), for inanimate and breathing things, respectively. For example, Neko ga iru "There's a true cat", Two kangae-ga nai "[I] haven't got a skilful idea".

The verb "to do" (suru, polite form shimasu) is oft used to make verbs from nouns (ryōri suru "to cook", benkyō suru "to report", etc.) and has been productive in creating modernistic slang words. Japanese besides has a huge number of chemical compound verbs to express concepts that are described in English using a verb and an adverbial particle (due east.g. tobidasu "to fly out, to abscond," from tobu "to fly, to jump" + dasu "to put out, to emit").

In that location are three types of adjectives (see Japanese adjectives):

1. 形容詞 keiyōshi, or i adjectives, which have a conjugating ending i ( い ) (such every bit 暑い atsui "to be hot") which can become past ( 暑かった atsukatta "it was hot"), or negative ( 暑くない atsuku nai "it is not hot"). Note that nai is as well an i adjective, which tin become by ( 暑くなかった atsuku nakatta "information technology was not hot").

   暑い日 atsui hi "a hot twenty-four hours".

2. 形容動詞 keiyōdōshi, or na adjectives, which are followed by a form of the copula, normally na. For example, hen (foreign)

   変なひと hen na hito "a foreign person".

3. 連体詞 rentaishi, besides called truthful adjectives, such as ano "that"

   あの山 ano yama "that mountain".

Both keiyōshi and keiyōdōshi may predicate sentences. For instance,

ご飯が熱い。 Gohan ga atsui. "The rice is hot."
彼は変だ。 Kare wa hen da. "He'due south strange."

Both inflect, though they do not show the full range of conjugation constitute in truthful verbs. The rentaishi in Modern Japanese are few in number, and unlike the other words, are express to straight modifying nouns. They never predicate sentences. Examples include ookina "large", kono "this", iwayuru "so-called" and taishita "amazing".

Both keiyōdōshi and keiyōshi form adverbs, by following with ni in the case of keiyōdōshi:

変になる hen ni naru "become strange",

and by irresolute i to ku in the case of keiyōshi:

熱くなる atsuku naru "go hot".

The grammatical part of nouns is indicated by postpositions, also called particles. These include for instance:

• が ga for the nominative example.

彼がやった。 Kare ga yatta. "He did information technology."

• に ni for the dative instance.

田中さんにあげて下さい。 Tanaka-san ni agete kudasai "Please give it to Mr. Tanaka."

It is too used for the lative case, indicating a motion to a location.

日本に行きたい。 Nihon ni ikitai "I desire to go to Japan."

• However, へ eastward is more than usually used for the lative case.

パーティーへ行かないか。 pātī east ikanai ka? "Won't you go to the party?"

• の no for the genitive instance, or nominalizing phrases.

私のカメラ。 watashi no kamera "my photographic camera"

スキーに行くのが好きです。 Sukī-ni iku no ga suki desu "(I) like going skiing."

• を o for the accusative case.

何を食べますか。 Nani o tabemasu ka? "What will (you) consume?"

• は wa for the topic. It tin co-exist with the case markers listed above, and it overrides ga and (in nigh cases) o.

私は寿司がいいです。 Watashi wa sushi ga ii desu. (literally) "As for me, sushi is good." The nominative marker ga after watashi is hidden under wa.

Note: The subtle difference betwixt wa and ga in Japanese cannot exist derived from the English language language equally such, because the distinction between sentence topic and subject area is non made there. While wa indicates the topic, which the rest of the sentence describes or acts upon, it carries the implication that the subject indicated past wa is not unique, or may be role of a larger group.

Ikeda-san wa yonjū-ni sai da. "Equally for Mr. Ikeda, he is 40-ii years old." Others in the grouping may also exist of that age.

Absence of wa frequently means the subject is the focus of the sentence.

Ikeda-san ga yonjū-ni sai da. "It is Mr. Ikeda who is xl-two years old." This is a respond to an implicit or explicit question, such as "who in this group is forty-two years former?"

Politeness

Japanese has an extensive grammatical organisation to limited politeness and formality. This reflects the hierarchical nature of Japanese gild.^[41]

The Japanese linguistic communication can express differing levels in social status. The differences in social position are determined by a diverseness of factors including job, historic period, experience, or even psychological state (e.g., a person asking a favour tends to do so politely). The person in the lower position is expected to use a polite class of speech, whereas the other person might utilise a plainer grade. Strangers volition too speak to each other politely. Japanese children rarely use polite speech until they are teens, at which indicate they are expected to begin speaking in a more than developed manner. See uchi-soto.

Whereas teineigo ( 丁寧語 ) (polite linguistic communication) is commonly an inflectional organization, sonkeigo ( 尊敬語 ) (respectful linguistic communication) and kenjōgo ( 謙譲語 ) (humble language) ofttimes employ many special honorific and humble alternate verbs: iku "go" becomes ikimasu in polite form, but is replaced by irassharu in honorific speech and ukagau or mairu in humble speech.

The departure between honorific and humble voice communication is particularly pronounced in the Japanese linguistic communication. Apprehensive language is used to talk most oneself or one's ain group (company, family) whilst honorific language is mostly used when describing the interlocutor and their group. For example, the -san suffix ("Mr" "Mrs." or "Miss") is an case of honorific linguistic communication. It is not used to talk about oneself or when talking about someone from ane's visitor to an external person, since the company is the speaker's in-group. When speaking directly to 1'due south superior in 1's company or when speaking with other employees within one'south company almost a superior, a Japanese person will use vocabulary and inflections of the honorific register to refer to the in-group superior and their speech and actions. When speaking to a person from some other company (i.e., a member of an out-grouping), nonetheless, a Japanese person volition utilize the plain or the humble register to refer to the speech and deportment of their own in-group superiors. In short, the register used in Japanese to refer to the person, oral communication, or actions of any particular private varies depending on the relationship (either in-group or out-group) between the speaker and listener, too as depending on the relative condition of the speaker, listener, and third-person referents.

Most nouns in the Japanese language may be fabricated polite by the addition of o- or get- every bit a prefix. o- is generally used for words of native Japanese origin, whereas become- is affixed to words of Chinese derivation. In some cases, the prefix has go a fixed part of the word, and is included even in regular oral communication, such as gohan 'cooked rice; meal.' Such a construction frequently indicates deference to either the item's possessor or to the object itself. For example, the word tomodachi 'friend,' would become o-tomodachi when referring to the friend of someone of higher status (though mothers often utilize this class to refer to their children's friends). On the other hand, a polite speaker may sometimes refer to mizu 'water' as o-mizu in social club to show politeness.

Most Japanese people employ politeness to indicate a lack of familiarity. That is, they use polite forms for new acquaintances, but if a relationship becomes more than intimate, they no longer use them. This occurs regardless of age, social class, or gender.

Vocabulary

There are three main sources of words in the Japanese language, the yamato kotoba ( 大和言葉 ) or wago ( 和語 ), kango ( 漢語 ), and gairaigo ( 外来語 ).^[42]

The original language of Japan, or at least the original language of a certain population that was ancestral to a pregnant portion of the historical and present Japanese nation, was the so-called yamato kotoba ( 大和言葉 or infrequently 大和詞 , i.e. "Yamato words"), which in scholarly contexts is sometimes referred to equally wago ( 和語 or rarely 倭語 , i.east. the "Wa language"). In addition to words from this original language, present-day Japanese includes a number of words that were either borrowed from Chinese or constructed from Chinese roots following Chinese patterns. These words, known as kango ( 漢語 ), entered the language from the 5th century onwards via contact with Chinese culture. According to the Shinsen Kokugo Jiten ( 新選国語辞典 ) Japanese lexicon, kango contain 49.1% of the total vocabulary, wago make up 33.viii%, other foreign words or gairaigo ( 外来語 ) account for 8.8%, and the remaining 8.3% constitute hybridized words or konshugo ( 混種語 ) that draw elements from more one language.^[43]

There are also a dandy number of words of mimetic origin in Japanese, with Japanese having a rich collection of audio symbolism, both onomatopoeia for physical sounds, and more than abstract words. A modest number of words have come into Japanese from the Ainu language. Tonakai (reindeer), rakko (body of water otter) and shishamo (smelt, a blazon of fish) are well-known examples of words of Ainu origin.

Words of different origins occupy different registers in Japanese. Similar Latin-derived words in English, kango words are typically perceived equally somewhat formal or academic compared to equivalent Yamato words. Indeed, it is mostly off-white to say that an English language word derived from Latin/French roots typically corresponds to a Sino-Japanese word in Japanese, whereas a simpler Anglo-Saxon discussion would best be translated past a Yamato equivalent.

Incorporating vocabulary from European languages, gairaigo, began with borrowings from Portuguese in the 16th century, followed by words from Dutch during Japan's long isolation of the Edo menstruation. With the Meiji Restoration and the reopening of Nippon in the 19th century, borrowing occurred from German language, French, and English. Today nigh borrowings are from English.

In the Meiji era, the Japanese besides coined many neologisms using Chinese roots and morphology to interpret European concepts;^{[ commendation needed ]} these are known as wasei kango (Japanese-made Chinese words). Many of these were then imported into Chinese, Korean, and Vietnamese via their kanji in the late 19th and early 20th centuries.^{[ citation needed ]} For example, seiji ( 政治 , "politics"), and kagaku ( 化学 , "chemistry") are words derived from Chinese roots that were first created and used past the Japanese, and only later borrowed into Chinese and other East Asian languages. As a outcome, Japanese, Chinese, Korean, and Vietnamese share a large common corpus of vocabulary in the same style many Greek- and Latin-derived words – both inherited or borrowed into European languages, or modern coinages from Greek or Latin roots – are shared among mod European languages – meet classical compound.^{[ citation needed ]}

In the by few decades, wasei-eigo ("made-in-Japan English") has go a prominent phenomenon. Words such as wanpatān ワンパターン (< one + design, "to be in a rut", "to accept a one-track mind") and sukinshippu スキンシップ (< skin + -send, "physical contact"), although coined by compounding English roots, are nonsensical in nigh not-Japanese contexts; exceptions exist in nearby languages such every bit Korean all the same, which frequently use words such as skinship and rimokon (remote control) in the same way equally in Japanese.

The popularity of many Japanese cultural exports has made some native Japanese words familiar in English, including futon, haiku, judo, kamikaze, karaoke, karate, ninja, origami, rickshaw (from 人力車 jinrikisha), samurai, sayonara, Sudoku, sumo, sushi, tsunami, tycoon. Meet listing of English words of Japanese origin for more than.

Writing system

History

Literacy was introduced to Nihon in the form of the Chinese writing organisation, past way of Baekje before the fifth century.^[44] Using this language, the Japanese king Bu presented a petition to Emperor Shun of Liu Vocal in Advertizement 478.^[a] Later the ruin of Baekje, Japan invited scholars from China to learn more than of the Chinese writing organization. Japanese emperors gave an official rank to Chinese scholars ( 続守言/薩弘恪 /^{[b] [c]} 袁晋卿 ^[d]) and spread the apply of Chinese characters from the 7th century to the 8th century.

Tabular array of Kana (including Youon): Hiragana top, Katakana in the center and Romanized equivalents at the bottom

At first, the Japanese wrote in Classical Chinese, with Japanese names represented by characters used for their meanings and not their sounds. Later, during the seventh century Ad, the Chinese-sounding phoneme principle was used to write pure Japanese poetry and prose, but some Japanese words were even so written with characters for their meaning and not the original Chinese sound. This is when the history of Japanese as a written linguistic communication begins in its own correct. Past this time, the Japanese language was already very singled-out from the Ryukyuan languages.^[45]

An case of this mixed style is the Kojiki, which was written in AD 712. They^{[ who? ]} then started to use Chinese characters to write Japanese in a way known every bit human'yōgana, a syllabic script which used Chinese characters for their sounds in order to transcribe the words of Japanese voice communication syllable by syllable.

Over time, a writing system evolved. Chinese characters (kanji) were used to write either words borrowed from Chinese, or Japanese words with the same or similar meanings. Chinese characters were as well used to write grammatical elements, were simplified, and eventually became 2 syllabic scripts: hiragana and katakana which were developed based on Manyogana. Some scholars claim that Manyogana originated from Baekje, merely this hypothesis is denied by mainstream Japanese scholars.^{[46] [47]}

Yoshinori Kobayashi and Alexander Vovin argued that Nihon's Katakana originated from the Gugyeol writing organisation used during the Silla Dynasty.^[48]

Hiragana and katakana were beginning simplified from kanji, and hiragana, emerging somewhere around the 9th century,^[49] was mainly used past women. Hiragana was seen as an informal linguistic communication, whereas katakana and kanji were considered more formal and was typically used by men and in official settings. All the same, because of hiragana's accessibility, more and more people began using it. Somewhen, by the 10th century, hiragana was used by everyone.^[50]

Modern Japanese is written in a mixture of three main systems: kanji, characters of Chinese origin used to represent both Chinese loanwords into Japanese and a number of native Japanese morphemes; and two syllabaries: hiragana and katakana. The Latin script (or romaji in Japanese) is used to a sure extent, such as for imported acronyms and to transcribe Japanese names and in other instances where non-Japanese speakers need to know how to pronounce a word (such every bit "ramen" at a restaurant). Standard arabic numerals are much more than common than the kanji when used in counting, but kanji numerals are all the same used in compounds, such equally 統一 tōitsu ("unification").

Historically, attempts to limit the number of kanji in use commenced in the mid-19th century, only did not become a thing of regime intervention until afterward Japan's defeat in the 2d World War. During the period of post-war occupation (and influenced by the views of some U.South. officials), diverse schemes including the complete abolitionism of kanji and sectional use of rōmaji were considered. The jōyō kanji ("common use kanji", originally called tōyō kanji [kanji for full general use]) scheme arose as a compromise solution.

Japanese students begin to larn kanji from their first year at simple school. A guideline created past the Japanese Ministry building of Didactics, the list of kyōiku kanji ("education kanji", a subset of jōyō kanji), specifies the 1,006 elementary characters a kid is to larn past the end of 6th grade. Children continue to study another ane,130 characters in junior high school, roofing in total 2,136 jōyō kanji. The official list of jōyō kanji was revised several times, only the total number of officially sanctioned characters remained largely unchanged.

As for kanji for personal names, the circumstances are somewhat complicated. Jōyō kanji and jinmeiyō kanji (an appendix of boosted characters for names) are approved for registering personal names. Names containing unapproved characters are denied registration. However, as with the list of jōyō kanji, criteria for inclusion were oft arbitrary and led to many mutual and pop characters being disapproved for use. Under popular pressure and post-obit a court decision holding the exclusion of common characters unlawful, the listing of jinmeiyō kanji was substantially extended from 92 in 1951 (the year it was start decreed) to 983 in 2004. Furthermore, families whose names are non on these lists were permitted to continue using the older forms.

Hiragana

Hiragana are used for words without kanji representation, for words no longer written in kanji, for replacement of rare kanji that may exist unfamiliar to intended readers, and also following kanji to show conjugational endings. Because of the way verbs (and adjectives) in Japanese are conjugated, kanji solitary cannot fully convey Japanese tense and mood, as kanji cannot be subject to variation when written without losing their significant. For this reason, hiragana are appended to kanji to prove verb and adjective conjugations. Hiragana used in this mode are called okurigana. Hiragana tin can also be written in a superscript called furigana above or beside a kanji to show the proper reading. This is done to facilitate learning, every bit well as to analyze particularly sometime or obscure (or sometimes invented) readings.

Katakana

Katakana, similar hiragana, constitute a syllabary; katakana are primarily used to write foreign words, plant and animate being names, and for emphasis. For example, "Commonwealth of australia" has been adapted equally Ōsutoraria ( オーストラリア ), and "supermarket" has been adjusted and shortened into sūpā ( スーパー ).

Alexander Vovin argued that Japan'southward katakana originated from the Gugyeol writing arrangement used during the Silla Dynasty.^[48]

Yoshinori Kobayashi of Hiroshima University asserted the hypothesis that katakana originated from Gugyeol.

Non-native study

Many major universities throughout the earth provide Japanese language courses, and a number of secondary and even master schools worldwide offer courses in the language. This is a significant increase from before Globe State of war II; in 1940, only 65 Americans non of Japanese descent were able to read, write and empathise the language.^[51]

International interest in the Japanese language dates from the 19th century just has become more than prevalent following Japan's economic chimera of the 1980s and the global popularity of Japanese popular civilisation (such as anime and video games) since the 1990s. Equally of 2015, more than 3.6 1000000 people studied the language worldwide, primarily in E and Southeast Asia.^[52] Nearly one one thousand thousand Chinese, 745,000 Indonesians, 556,000 Due south Koreans and 357,000 Australians studied Japanese in lower and higher educational institutions.^[52] Between 2012 and 2015, considerable growth of learners originated in Australia (20.v%), Thailand (34.ane%), Vietnam (38.vii%) and the Philippines (54.4%).^[52]

The Japanese regime provides standardized tests to measure spoken and written comprehension of Japanese for second language learners; the most prominent is the Japanese Language Proficiency Test (JLPT), which features five levels of exams. The JLPT is offered twice a year.

Example text

The Article one of the Universal Declaration of Homo Rights in Japanese:

すべての人間は、生まれながらにして自由であり、かつ、尊厳と権利と について平等である。人間は、理性と良心とを授けられており、互いに同胞の精神をもって行動しなければならない。 ^[53]

The transcription of the example text into Latin script:

Subete no ningen wa, umarenagara ni shite jiyū de ari, katsu, songen to kenri to ni tsuite byōdō de aru. Ningen wa, risei to ryōshin to o sazukerarete ori, tagai ni dōhō no seishin o motte kōdō shinakereba naranai.

The Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human being Rights in English:

All homo beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one some other in a spirit of brotherhood. ^[54]

See too

• Aizuchi
• Civilisation of Japan
• Japanese dictionaries
• Japanese exonyms
• Japanese language and computers
• Japanese literature
• Japanese name
• Japanese orthography problems
• Japanese punctuation
• Japanese profanity
• Japanese Sign Language family unit
• Japanese words and words derived from Japanese in other languages at Wiktionary, Wikipedia'southward sibling project
• Classical Japanese language
• Romanization of Japanese
  • Hepburn romanization
• Shogakukan Progressive Japanese–English Dictionary (book)
• Rendaku
• Yojijukugo
• Other:
  • History of Writing in Vietnam

Notes

1. ^ Book of Song 順帝昇明二年，倭王武遣使上表曰：封國偏遠，作藩于外，自昔祖禰，躬擐甲冑，跋渉山川，不遑寧處。東征毛人五十國，西服衆夷六十六國，渡平海北九十五國，王道融泰，廓土遐畿，累葉朝宗，不愆于歳。臣雖下愚，忝胤先緒，驅率所統，歸崇天極，道逕百濟，裝治船舫，而句驪無道，圖欲見吞，掠抄邊隸，虔劉不已，毎致稽滯，以失良風。雖曰進路，或通或不。臣亡考濟實忿寇讎，壅塞天路，控弦百萬，義聲感激，方欲大舉，奄喪父兄，使垂成之功，不獲一簣。居在諒闇，不動兵甲，是以偃息未捷。至今欲練甲治兵，申父兄之志，義士虎賁，文武效功，白刃交前，亦所不顧。若以帝德覆載，摧此強敵，克靖方難，無替前功。竊自假開府儀同三司，其餘咸各假授，以勸忠節。詔除武使持節督倭、新羅、任那、加羅、秦韓六國諸軍事、安東大將軍、倭國王。至齊建元中，及梁武帝時，并來朝貢。
2. ^ Nihon shoki Chapter thirty: 持統五年 九月己巳朔壬申。賜音博士大唐続守言。薩弘恪。書博士百済末士善信、銀人二十両。
3. ^ Nihon shoki Affiliate thirty: 持統六年 十二月辛酉朔甲戌。賜音博士続守言。薩弘恪水田人四町
4. ^ Shoku Nihongi 宝亀九年 十二月庚寅。玄蕃頭従五位上袁晋卿賜姓清村宿禰。晋卿唐人也。天平七年随我朝使帰朝。時年十八九。学得文選爾雅音。為大学音博士。於後。歴大学頭安房守。

References

Citations

1. ^ "Världens 100 största språk 2010" (The World's 100 Largest Languages in 2010), in Nationalencyklopedin
2. ^ Deal, William E. (2005). Handbook to Life in Medieval and Early Modern Japan. Infobase Publishing. p. 242. ISBN978-0-8160-7485-3. Archived from the original on 2020-01-13. Retrieved 2016-01-04 . Japanese has no genetic amalgamation with Chinese, but neither does it have any articulate affiliation with any other language.
3. ^ Wade, Nicholas (4 May 2011). "Finding on Dialects Casts New Calorie-free on the Origins of the Japanese People". The New York Times. Archived from the original on 2022-01-03. Retrieved 7 May 2011.
4. ^ Shinkichi Hashimoto (Feb three, 1918)「国語仮名遣研究史上の一発見―石塚龍麿の仮名遣奥山路について」『帝国文学』26–xi(1949)『文字及び仮名遣の研究(橋本進吉博士著作集 第3冊)』(岩波書店)。
5. ^ 大野 晋 (1953). 『上代仮名遣の研究』. 岩波書店. p. 126.
6. ^ 大野 晋 (1982). 『仮名遣いと上代語』. 岩波書店. p. 65.
7. ^ 有坂 秀世 (1931)「国語にあらはれる一種の母音交替について」『音声の研究』第4輯(1957年の『国語音韻史の研究 増補新版』(三省堂)
8. ^ Alexander, Vovin (2008). "Proto-Japanese across the accent system". In Frellesvig, Bjarne; Whitman, John (eds.). Proto-Japanese: Bug and Prospects. Current Bug in Linguistic Theory. John Benjamins. pp. 141–156. ISBN978-90-272-4809-1.
9. ^ ^{a b} Frellesvig, Bjarke (2010). A History of the Japanese Linguistic communication. Cambridge Academy Press. p. 184. ISBN9781139488808.
10. ^ Labrune, Laurence (2012). The Phonology of Japanese. The Phonology of the Globe's Languages. Oxford University Press. pp. 89–91. doi:ten.1093/acprof:oso/9780199545834.003.0003. ISBN978-0-19-954583-4. Archived from the original on 2021-10-27. Retrieved 2021-ten-xiv .
11. ^ Miura, Akira, English language in Japanese, Weatherhill, 1998.
12. ^ Hall, Kathleen Currie (2013). "Documenting phonological change: A comparison of 2 Japanese phonemic splits" (PDF). In Luo, Shan (ed.). Proceedings of the 2013 Almanac Conference of the Canadian Linguistic Association. Archived (PDF) from the original on 2019-12-12. Retrieved 2019-06-01 .
13. ^ Japanese is listed as one of the official languages of Angaur state, Palau (Ethnologe Archived 2007-ten-01 at the Wayback Machine, CIA World Factbook Archived 2021-02-03 at the Wayback Machine). Even so, very few Japanese speakers were recorded in the 2005 census Archived 2008-02-16 at the Wayback Machine.
14. ^ "IBGE traça perfil dos imigrantes – Imigração – Made in Japan". Madeinjapan.uol.com.br. 2008-06-21. Archived from the original on 2012-11-19. Retrieved 2012-11-20 .
15. ^ "American FactFinder". Factfinder.census.gov. Archived from the original on 2020-02-12. Retrieved 2013-02-01 .
16. ^ "Japanese – Source Census 2000, Summary File three, STP 258". Mla.org. Archived from the original on 2012-12-21. Retrieved 2012-11-twenty .
17. ^ "Ethnocultural Portrait of Canada – Data table". 2.statcan.ca. 2010-06-10. Archived from the original on 2013-12-03. Retrieved 2012-xi-20 .
18. ^ "Demography 2000 Summary File one (SF i) 100-Percent Data". United States Census Agency. Archived from the original on 1 July 2021. Retrieved 8 July 2018.
19. ^ The Japanese in Colonial Southeast Asia - Google Books Archived 2020-01-xiv at the Wayback Machine. Books.google.com. Retrieved on 2014-06-07.
20. ^ [1] Archived October 19, 2014, at the Wayback Machine
21. ^ [2] Archived July ane, 2012, at the Wayback Motorcar
22. ^ 法制執務コラム集「法律と国語・日本語」 (in Japanese). Legislative Agency of the House of Councillors. Archived from the original on 25 December 2018. Retrieved 9 November 2012.
23. ^ Pulvers, Roger (2006-05-23). "Opening upwardly to difference: The dialect dialectic". The Nihon Times. Archived from the original on 2020-06-17. Retrieved 2020-06-17 .
24. ^ "Constitution of the Land of Angaur". Pacific Digital Library. Article XII. Archived from the original on 24 September 2015. Retrieved 4 August 2014. The traditional Palauan language, peculiarly the dialect spoken by the people of Angaur State, shall exist the language of the State of Angaur. Palauan, English language and Japanese shall exist the official languages.
25. ^ "2005 Census of Population & Housing" (PDF). Bureau of Budget & Planning. Archived (PDF) from the original on 24 April 2014. Retrieved 4 Baronial 2014.
26. ^ ^{a b c} Yamagiwa, Joseph K. (1967). "On Dialect Intelligibility in Nippon". Anthropological Linguistics. nine (one): four, 5, 18.
27. ^ Run across the comments of George Kizaki in Stuky, Natalie-Kyoko (viii August 2015). "Exclusive: From Internment Military camp to MacArthur's Adjutant in Rebuilding Nihon". The Daily Beast. Archived from the original on 18 Oct 2015. Retrieved 4 October 2015.
28. ^ Coulmas, Florian (1989). Linguistic communication Adaptation. Printing Syndicate of the University of Cambridge. pp. 106. ISBN978-0-521-36255-9.
29. ^ Patrick Heinrich (25 August 2014). "Use them or lose them: In that location'southward more at stake than language in reviving Ryukyuan tongues". The Nihon Times. Archived from the original on 2019-01-07. Retrieved 2019-x-24 .
30. ^ Kindaichi, Haruhiko (2011-12-xx). Japanese Language: Learn the Fascinating History and Evolution of the Language Along With Many Useful Japanese Grammar Points. Tuttle Publishing. ISBN9781462902668. Archived from the original on 2021-11-fifteen. Retrieved 2020-11-12 .
31. ^ Robbeets 2005, p. twenty.
32. ^ Robbeets 2005.
33. ^ Vovin, Alexander (2008). "Proto-Japanese beyond the accent system". Current Problems in Linguistic Theory. 294: 141–156. doi:ten.1075/cilt.294.11vov. ISBN978-90-272-4809-1.
34. ^ Vovin, Alexander (2010). Korea-Japonica: A Re-Evaluation of a Mutual Genetic Origin. Academy of Hawaii Press. ISBN9780824832780. Archived from the original on 2020-08-23. Retrieved 2015-10-eighteen .
35. ^ Kindaichi & Hirano 1978, pp. 30–31.
36. ^ Shibatani (1990)
37. ^ "Austronesian influence and Transeurasian ancestry in Japanese: A case of farming/language dispersal". ResearchGate. Archived from the original on 2019-02-19. Retrieved 2019-03-28 .
38. ^ "Does Japanese have an Austronesian stratum? - Ann Kumar (1996)" (PDF). Archived (PDF) from the original on 2021-11-03. Retrieved 2017-09-28 .
39. ^ "Kanji and Homophones Function I - Does Japanese have too few sounds?". Kuwashii Japanese. viii Jan 2017. Archived from the original on 18 May 2021. Retrieved 28 May 2021.
40. ^ Bullock, Ben. "What is Japanese pitch accent?". Ben Bullock. Archived from the original on 2 July 2017. Retrieved 17 July 2017.
41. ^ Miyagawa, Shigeru. "The Japanese Linguistic communication". Massachusetts Institute of Engineering. Archived from the original on July xx, 2009. Retrieved Jan 16, 2011.
42. ^ Koichi (thirteen September 2011). "Yamato Kotoba: The Existent Japanese Language". Tofugu. Archived from the original on 2016-05-31. Retrieved 2016-03-26 .
43. ^ 金田一京, ed. (2001). 新選国語辞典. 小学館. ISBNfour-09-501407-five.
44. ^ "Buddhist Art of Korea & Nihon Archived 2016-03-03 at the Wayback Machine," Asia Society Museum; "Kanji Archived 2012-05-10 at the Wayback Car," JapanGuide.com; "Pottery Archived 2009-10-31 at WebCite," MSN Encarta; "History of Japan Archived 2016-03-04 at the Wayback Auto," JapanVisitor.com. Archived 2009-ten-31.
45. ^ Heinrich, Patrick. "What leaves a marking should no longer stain: Progressive erasure and reversing linguistic communication shift activities in the Ryukyu Islands," Archived 2011-05-16 at the Wayback Machine First International Small Island Cultures Conference at Kagoshima University, Centre for the Pacific Islands, 7–ten February 2005; citing Shiro Hattori. (1954) Gengo nendaigaku sunawachi goi tokeigaku no hoho ni tsuite ("Apropos the Method of Glottochronology and Lexicostatistics"), Gengo kenkyu (Journal of the Linguistic Club of Japan), Vols. 26/27.
46. ^ Shunpei Mizuno, ed. (2002). 韓国人の日本偽史―日本人はビックリ! (in Japanese). Shogakukan. ISBN978-4-09-402716-7. Archived from the original on 2020-12-09. Retrieved 2020-08-23 .
47. ^ Shunpei Mizuno, ed. (2007). 韓vs日「偽史ワールド」 (in Japanese). Shogakukan. ISBN978-4-09-387703-ix. Archived from the original on 2021-04-xv. Retrieved 2020-08-23 .
48. ^ ^{a b} Vovin, Alexander. "Is Japanese Katakana Derived from Korean Kwukyel?" – via world wide web.academia.edu.
49. ^ Burlock, Ben (2017). "How did katakana and hiragana originate?". sci.lang.nihon. Archived from the original on 5 July 2017. Retrieved 26 July 2017.
50. ^ Ager, Simon (2017). "Japanese Hiragana". Omniglot. Archived from the original on 19 Nov 2016. Retrieved 26 July 2017.
51. ^ Beate Sirota Gordon kickoff address at Mills College, fourteen May 2011. "Sotomayor, Denzel Washington, GE CEO Speak to Graduates," Archived 2011-06-23 at the Wayback Machine C-Span (U.s.). xxx May 2011; retrieved 2011-05-thirty
52. ^ ^{a b c} "Survey Report on Japanese-Language Didactics Abroad" (PDF). Japan Foundation. 2015. Archived (PDF) from the original on seven Jan 2019. Retrieved 6 January 2019.
53. ^ "Universal Declaration of Man Rights". ohchr.org. Archived from the original on 2022-01-07. Retrieved 2022-01-07 .
54. ^ "Universal Announcement of Human Rights". un.org. Archived from the original on 2021-03-sixteen. Retrieved 2022-01-07 .

Works cited

• Bloch, Bernard (1946). Studies in colloquial Japanese I: Inflection. Journal of the American Oriental Gild, 66, pp. 97–130.
• Bloch, Bernard (1946). Studies in colloquial Japanese II: Syntax. Language, 22, pp. 200–248.
• Chafe, William L. (1976). Giveness, contrastiveness, definiteness, subjects, topics, and point of view. In C. Li (Ed.), Field of study and topic (pp. 25–56). New York: Academic Press. ISBN 0-12-447350-4.
• Dalby, Andrew. (2004). "Japanese," in Dictionary of Languages: the Definitive Reference to More 400 Languages. New York: Columbia University Printing. ISBN 978-0-231-11568-i, 978-0-231-11569-8; OCLC 474656178
• Frellesvig, Bjarke (2010). A history of the Japanese linguistic communication. Cambridge: Cambridge Academy Press. ISBN978-0-521-65320-half dozen.
• Kindaichi, Haruhiko; Hirano, Umeyo (1978). The Japanese Language. Tuttle Publishing. ISBN978-0-8048-1579-vi.
• Kuno, Susumu (1973). The structure of the Japanese linguistic communication. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. ISBN 0-262-11049-0.
• Kuno, Susumu. (1976). "Subject, theme, and the speaker's empathy: A re-examination of relativization phenomena," in Charles Northward. Li (Ed.), Subject and topic (pp. 417–444). New York: Academic Printing. ISBN 0-12-447350-four.
• Martin, Samuel E. (1975). A reference grammar of Japanese. New Haven: Yale University Press. ISBN0-300-01813-4.
• McClain, Yoko Matsuoka. (1981). Handbook of modern Japanese grammar: 口語日本文法便覧 [Kōgo Nihon bumpō]. Tokyo: Hokuseido Press. ISBN 4-590-00570-0, 0-89346-149-0.
• Miller, Roy (1967). The Japanese language. Chicago: University of Chicago Printing.
• Miller, Roy (1980). Origins of the Japanese language: Lectures in Japan during the academic year, 1977–78. Seattle: University of Washington Printing. ISBN 0-295-95766-ii.
• Mizutani, Osamu; & Mizutani, Nobuko (1987). How to exist polite in Japanese: 日本語の敬語 [Nihongo no keigo]. Tokyo: The Nippon Times. ISBN 4-7890-0338-viii.
• Robbeets, Martine Irma (2005). Is Japanese Related to Korean, Tungusic, Mongolic and Turkic?. Otto Harrassowitz Verlag. ISBN978-3-447-05247-4.
• Okada, Hideo (1999). "Japanese". Handbook of the International Phonetic Association. Cambridge: Cambridge Academy Press. pp. 117–119.
• Shibamoto, Janet S. (1985). Japanese women's language. New York: Academic Press. ISBN 0-12-640030-10. Graduate Level
• Shibatani, Masayoshi (1990). The languages of Nippon. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN0-521-36070-six. ISBN 0-521-36918-five (pbk).
• Tsujimura, Natsuko (1996). An introduction to Japanese linguistics. Cambridge, MA: Blackwell Publishers. ISBN 0-631-19855-5 (hbk); ISBN 0-631-19856-3 (pbk). Upper Level Textbooks
• Tsujimura, Natsuko (Ed.) (1999). The handbook of Japanese linguistics. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishers. ISBN 0-631-20504-7. Readings/Anthologies
• Vovin, Alexander (2010). Korea-Japonica: A Re-Evaluation of a Common Genetic Origin. University of Hawaii Press. ISBN978-0-8248-3278-0.
• ——— (2017). "Origins of the Japanese Language". Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Linguistics. Oxford Academy Press. doi:10.1093/acrefore/9780199384655.013.277. ISBN9780199384655.

Further reading

• Rudolf Lange, Christopher Noss (1903). A Text-book of Vernacular Japanese (English ed.). The Kaneko Press, Due north Japan Higher, Sendai: Methodist Publishing House. Retrieved 1 March 2012.
• Rudolf Lange (1903). Christopher Noss (ed.). A text-book of vernacular Japanese: based on the Lehrbuch der japanischen umgangssprache past Dr. Rudolf Lange (revised English language ed.). Tokyo: Methodist publishing house. Retrieved ane March 2012.
• Rudolf Lange (1907). Christopher Noss (ed.). A text-book of colloquial Japanese (revised English ed.). Tokyo: Methodist publishing house. Retrieved 1 March 2012.
• "Japanese Language". MIT. Retrieved 2009-05-13 .

External links

Wiktionary has definitions related to Japanese

• National Institute for Japanese Language and Linguistics
• Japanese Linguistic communication Student's Handbook
• Japanese linguistic communication at Curlie

xuhintrues.blogspot.com

Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Japanese_language

Share this post